Shadows and Spotlights

Partner not Puppet

By: Dr. G. Rauf Roashan

Abstract: Chairman of the Afghan Interim Authority occupied the spotlight in international arena last week.  He traveled to the West to drive a few points home. He wanted the world to believe that he was a partner not a puppet of and that Afghanistan was determined to see the total annihilation of terrorism from its soil. He was seeking partnership for the reconstruction of Afghanistan and for reasons explained in this paper he also wanted an expansion of the terms of service and size of the international peace keeping forces in Afghanistan. Overshadowed by his visit and international recognition were some other Afghan leaders who are hopeful of leadership roles in a new Afghanistan. And of course the story of the warlords is still to be told. Read on and wonder!

As Hamid Karzai, Chairman of the Interim Authority of Afghanistan basked in world attention last week; two other leaders remained in the shadows.  The former King of Afghanistan in Rome and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Afghanistan who accompanied Chairman Karzai on his trip abroad were overshadowed by the success of Karzai’s trip to the United States, the United Nations and Britain.

In the meantime, warlord, governor, and deputy minister of defense in Afghanistan, General Dostum, jumped over an opportunity to grab a spotlight in regional politics by making a trip to India where he talked with Indian authorities including its defense minister on military issues and Indian cooperation.  Notwithstanding the great interest of India in Afghanistan, India’s conflict with Pakistan, and its commitment of $ 100 million for the Afghan reconstruction, it would seem important to know if such a meeting has the blessing of the Authority in Kabul? Or was it carried out just to satisfy the megalomania of a warlord-cum-politician?  Burhanuddin Rabbani, however, stayed home, in the shadow and according to a report continued to regularly attend office in the Presidential Palace in Afghanistan.  Only nobody knows what is his office called and why is it in the Palace?

But one of the warmest receptions ever given to any Afghan leader in Washington, D.C. was accorded to Hamid Karzai, by the president of the world’s most powerful nation, the United States.  Karzai who was experiencing for the first time the effects of power stood up to the challenge by using his British style English learned at Simla University in India and the charm of his Afghan green silk cape along with the famed Afghan Karakul cap that topped his balding head. As he stood next to the first lady of the Untied States to receive a standing ovation during President Bush’s address to the nation on Capitol Hill, a warm smile and a red glow of pride appeared on his face.  You could witness there the image of a proud Afghan.

Karzai’s trip to the United States that took place after his visits to Japan and China can be considered as a new milestone in relations between the United States and Afghanistan.  Although Karzai cannot be considered an elected leader as he was only chosen by a smaller gathering of a handful of Afghans in Bonn to lead the Interim Authority for six months, he was symbolically received as a true representative of the Afghan nation.  In his trip he tried to drive home several points successfully.  He wanted the United States and the world to know that Afghanistan was committed to see the end of terrorism on its soil and in that regard she was a trustworthy partner.  He also wanted to tell the world that Afghanistan needed to be reconstructed and that reconstruction was achievable and possible and that he was committed to seek partnership for the task.  He also wanted the world to realize that Afghanistan needed continued support of the peacekeeping forces on its soil.  And it was on this last point that his wishes remained unanswered.  Let us have a look at this particular point, which is one of the extremely important issues facing the new Afghan administration.

The initial success achieved in the name of the Northern Alliance, but truly under the shadow of the American military involvement, and under the conditions of the Bonn agreement, led to a unity of sorts after the toppling down of the Taleban administration, among Afghans in different provinces.  However the honeymoon with peace was shaken when some of the warlords came up with their personal demands for sharing in the power.  This gave a chance to Dostum, Ismail Khan, and Gul Agha in Mazar-e-Sharif, Herat and Kandahar respectively to acquire gubernatorial positions in the three provinces.  Dostum was not satisfied and in a political maneuver Karzai gave him the position of the deputy minister of defense.  Ismail Khan left Kabul from the oath taking ceremony of Hamid Karzai empty handed and had to be content with being the ruler in Herat. Recent reports talk about a concern in the minds of the US and British leaderships that Iran might want to influence him in order to destabilize the central authority in Kabul.

Some other events further shook the foundations of peace when forces of Fahim the Minister of Defense and Dostum the Deputy Minister of Defense in Karzai’s cabinet fought for a township in northern Afghanistan.  Most recent news coming out of Afghanistan talk of severe battles for power in Gardez in the South, where Karzai’s appointed governor, Padshah Khan Zadran, fought the locally selected governor.  There were casualties and destruction.

Karzai has achieved politically a lot in his international standing outside the country, but he seems to need to further strengthen his hold on power inside.  He has said, over and over again, that one of his goals is to do away with warlordism.  He knows that presently, because of the brunt of the military power being with the Northern Alliance leadership of Fahim, Abdullah and Qanooni, and the military hold of Dostum in Mazar-e-Sharif and of Ismail Khan in Herat, he may not be strong enough to bring about a truly national army in support of the national government rather than factions or Jehadi parties. A stronger international peace keeping force to be deployed all over Afghanistan and beyond Kabul the capital, will give him that leverage.  That is why he is insisting on the continuation of the term of service and expansion of the international forces in Afghanistan, which the Northern Alliance was hesitant to accept in the beginning. 

So, under the shadow of his international successes lie his internal issues of getting the country together and establishing a real central authority for Afghanistan that will be void of Jehadi and Tanzim affiliations.

But if one were to point out to one of the most important achievements of his administration so far, it would be the fact that he has been able successfully to communicate to the world that he, his administration and the leaders of Afghanistan to be elected later as per the articles of the Bonn agreement, are partners in the war against terrorism and not merely puppets of the mighty.  Now it is with the world to believe or disbelieve him. He has played his part and given his reasons.

But as Hamid accumulates fame and success and occupies the spotlight in national and international politics, chances of some other politicians waiting on the sidelines and in the shadows for leading the country become less and lesser.  Who knows may be Karzai is the leader that is born out of chaos of the past twenty-five years of war and destruction in Afghanistan! 


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